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The
NCGUB's Official Response to the Editorial of Irrawaddy, TIME FOR SOUL
SEARCHING,Vol. 8, No. 8, August 2000
To
the Editor,
The
National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma believes that a free
and independent press is crucial for maintaining a healthy democracy.
Although we have not yet achieved democracy in Burma, the NCGUB believes
that the freedom of the press amongst Burmese exiles should be encouraged
and nurtured. In this context, the NCGUB welcomes the editorial in the
Irrawaddy magazine in August (Vol.8, No.8).
It
is indeed time for the Burmese democracy movement to seriously assess
both its successes and its failures. We need to do so not because we are
facing a crisis of leadership and extreme frustration as intimated by
the editorial. We need to do so because we need to freely debate on a
wide range of issues including how after dismantling the military dictatorship,
we will begin to rebuild a new Burma, which is democratic and respectful
of the rights of all its citizens.
In
this sense, the NCGUB regrets that the Irrawaddy did not use the opportunity
to open up a serious and informed debate. It merely reiterated unsubstantiated
allegations and misinformed rumors with undeclared source of
information. The NCGUB was surprised that a respected journal like the
Irrawaddy did not check its facts or even ask the NCGUB for clarification
before taking a position. In the interest of opening up a free and informed
debate, the NCGUB would now like to respond to some of the issues raised.The
NCGUB was not formed by a group of elected parliamentarians who decided
to do so on their own. Only the National League for Democracy has the
people
s mandate to form a government. It was the resolution of the NLD
at Ghandi Hall in July 1990 subsequently backed by the signatures from
250 elected representatives, which provided the basis to form a provisional
government.
When the military junta began nation-wide crackdown on the elected representatives,
a small group managed to escape to the Thai border. Recognizing the validity
of the NLDs claim, the elected representatives were welcomed by
the Democratic Alliance of Burma and the National Democratic Front. With
the support of all major organizations including All Burma Student Democratic
Front, Karen National Union, the Kachin Independence Organization, and
the New Mon State Party, the NCGUB was formed in December 1990.
From
the beginning, a difference of opinion has existed amongst Burmese exiles
regarding the NCGUB. Some objected because their advice against forming
a government was not heeded. Some were disappointed because they were
not included. Yet others were disappointed because the NCGUB could not
take care of the needs of all Burmese citizens in Burma and abroad. Second,
Dr Sein Win and his fellow parliamentarians were implementing a decision
taken by the majority of elected representatives. They had no choice but
to form a government. With the consent directly received from fellow members
of representatives, the parliamentarians felt they could not allow the
mandate to be weakened by including non-elected cabinet members. Third,
the NCGUB had no resources to look after itself, let alone the people
of Burma whether at home or abroad. Therefore, from the beginning the
NCGUB was disappointed, as it was not able to meet the expectations raised.
Recognizing
its limitation, the NCGUB focussed on its political mandate instead and
tried to work within its understanding of the framework acceptable to
the NLD. For example, it strengthened its alliance with the ethnic forces
through the National Council of the Union of Burma, and formally adopted
as its objective, the establishment of a democracy and a federal Union
of Burma. Furthermore, in 1995, recognizing the need to be more inclusive,
the NCGUB was reconstituted to include parliamentarians from the ethnic
states.
Internationally,
the NCGUB concentrated on denying the military regime resources that sustain
its rule and the legitimacy it needed to gain those resources. At the
same time, the NCGUB worked to increase both the legitimacy of and resources
for the democracy movement in order to bring about political change in
Burma.The
NCGUB is not the future government of Burma. When there is a transition
to democracy in Burma and the NLD and other political parties are allowed
to fulfil their mandates, the role of the NCGUB will end. That is perhaps
one reason why the NCGUB has not actively sought support in Burma or abroad
for itself. The NCGUBs mistake was perhaps to assume that if it
concentrated on achieving its objectives, the whole movement would benefit
and appreciate its efforts.
The
NCGUB has not, as claimed, received large amounts of funding from various
international agencies and western governments. The NCGUB first received
financial support from the Democratic Alliance of Burma. In 1991, a Canadian
institution provided funds to enable Burmese parliamentarians to receive
training in international diplomacy in the US and some non-government
organizations (NGO) assisted the NCGUB to make its first attempt at the
United Nations General Assembly in New York to inform governments about
the situation in Burma. It was successful in getting the UNGA to adopt
a consensus resolution on the human rights situation in Burma.To
date, the NCGUB has been able to get 9 consecutive consensus resolutions
on Burma at the UNGA and the UN Commission on Human Rights. Each subsequent
resolution was stronger in recognizing the results of the 1990 general
elections and eventually called on the Secretary-General to implement
the resolutions and assist in resolving the situation in Burma.After
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1991, Norway began
to fund the NCGUB but it was always conscious of the ethnic diversity
of Burma and as a matter of policy, has never assisted the NCGUB alone.
In fact, in 1992, at the initiative of the NCGUB, the Norwegian Burma
Council hosted the first Burma Donors Forum in order to ensure that agencies
funding Burma projects did not exclude funding to ethnic and smaller groups
without international access. A quick analysis will show that the ethnic
people or smaller groups have not been neglected as claimed by the editorial.
This information is available to the public from funding agencies.A
point on funding that also needs to be clarified is that most funds are
tied. In other words, funds for humanitarian aid, human rights, or other
activities like journalism cannot be used by the NCGUB for political purposes.
In the same way, funds for democratic development, etc, cannot be
used for humanitarian or other purposes. Reducing funds to the NCGUB will
not increase funds available to refugees or an ethnic human rights organization,
or vice versa.
Most
funding agencies are very specific about what their funds can be used
for. Funding is not automatic and most projects including the NCGUBs
are reviewed by funding agencies every year to ensure that funds are used
in the
prescribed way. In addition, external accounting firms audit the NCGUB's
books annually.
A
major problem the NCGUB has had to overcome was the initial reluctance
of agencies and governments to fund ethnic groups. This was because they
were seen as either being armed or involved in drug trafficking. Today,
it is
accepted by all that the ethnic peoples are involved in a political struggle
which is as valid as the struggle for democracy.
Two
current major programs that specifically address the political needs of
the ethnic peoples are the European Office for the Development of Democracy
and the National Reconciliation Program. Although neither is managed by
the
NCGUB, the application for funds for these programs was given political
support by the NCGUB.
In
this respect, where possible or when asked, the NCGUB has always supported
the application for funding by any credible organization with a genuine
program. The NCGUB has never blocked funding for any organization
even if the organization does not recognize the NCGUB or agree with its
policies. The NCGUB has on occasion raised objections or not recommended
certain projects if they do not meet generally accepted minimum accountability
and transparency requirements, or are divisive, or are deemed counter-productive
or involve violence.
The
NCGUB, however, has no veto power over the funding decision of any of
the agencies. The agencies make their own decisions according to their
own criteria and mandate. In fact, many projects are funded without being
referred to the NCGUB. In general, the NCGUB also does not get involved
in funding decisions for humanitarian purposes on the borders of Burma.
Aid for refugees, which amount to several million dollars a year are handled
capably by professional agencies.If
funds for the ethnic political struggle have been limited, it is because
funding for political activities are limited. Funding for the NCGUB has
also been limited. For the first 4 years, only Canada and Norway funded
the NCGUB. In 1994, US-based institutions started funding the NCGUB for
the movements delegations to the UN. Sweden assisted the NCGUB to
reorganize in 1995 and Denmark started at the end of 1996.
In
the 10 years of its existence, the NCGUB has received only a fraction
of international funds that have been channeled to the support of democratic
cause in Burma. For example, the NCGUB has received no more than 5% of
what the US Congress has earmarked for supporting democratic struggle
in Burma since it started the funding. In addition, these funds are used
not only to run NCGUB offices but to fund all its activities as well as
consultations with its allies in the movement around the world. Comparatively,
the total amount received by the NCGUB in 10 years is less than the annual
Burma budget of one of the funding agencies.
Information
about the NCGUBs activities is available to those who are interested
via the media in general, the Democratic Voice of Burma, the NCGUBs
website (www.ncgub.net), and the NCGUBs newsletter and news updates.
The NCGUBs financial information is also available to those who
have a need to know. The Irrawaddy would have been given the information
if it had requested it. The information is not distributed to all because
of security considerations. Although the NCGUB is working to establish
a democracy, it must be remembered that the NCGUB is also engaged in a
struggle against a repressive military regime that would love to destroy
not only the NCGUB but also the NLD and the movement.
Finally,
the NCGUB should be judged on its political policies and its achievements
according to its own objectives and not according to unrealistic expectations.
The wide acceptance by the world community of the legitimate right of
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD to govern Burma, the recognition that
the ethnic peoples of Burma have a role in determining the future of Burma,
the pariah status of the military regime, and the continued strong international
support for the whole democracy movement are the NCGUB s achievements.
By all means, let us debate and try to improve our
performance but let us do so based on facts and in order to benefit the
movement.
Bo Hla-Tint
Chairman of the Finance Committee
National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma
September
20, 2000
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