Burma Fund WebIndex     Workshop on Humanitarian Aid to Burma

Remarks of U Bo Hla Tint on the government in exile's position on aid to Burma

Delivered at the Workshop to Address Humanitarian Aid to Burma on May 24.

Good morning ladies and gentlemen

I would like to present my assessment of the current humanitarian crisis in Burma and its root-causes, and make a proposal for how we might proceed in both helping people in need and doing no harm.

As you are aware, the suffering is worsening for people in Burma and has now reached catastrophic proportions. Other speakers on this panel will provide the grueling details of this crisis. As an elected representative, let me express my deep concerns and my conviction that long-term and short-term action is absolutely necessary now to mitigate this crisis. I also call upon the international community to address this crisis and support activities leading to the improvement of people’s lives.

First of all, allow me to express my appreciation to the conference organizers. This conference comes at a time when new solutions desperately need to be found to address the worsening situation in my country. I am grateful for the opportunity to speak here on behalf of the elected political leaders of my country whose positions at times have not been fully heard on the issue of humanitarian assistance.

I would also like to express my appreciation to those who have demonstrated and have committed significant resources to alleviate the suffering of the people in Burma. This is not something that can be taken for granted considering the magnitude of human suffering in other parts of the world and the scarcity of resources.

The nature of the humanitarian crisis in my country is different than that of other countries. Burma has not, for instance, been hit by a natural disaster, like a number of Latin American countries this past year. While there are some violent conflicts in the ethnic areas, Burma is also not in a state of war such as Kosovo or a number of African nations. Burma is also not resource poor nor overpopulated.

The root-cause of the humanitarian crisis in Burma is long-existing poor governance: it is aggravated by the incompetence of the current regime, its lacking ability and will to initiate sound policy-making that would most assuredly improve living standards.

We must not forget that there are a large number of professionals in exile and that the international community is experienced, waiting and willing to assist. There are capable public administrators in Burma even today. All of them are not able to act decisively, however, because of the regime’s unwillingness to acknowledge the extent of the crisis, its refusal to accept criticism, bear responsibility for past actions and allow governance by elected leaders. The great tragedy of the humanitarian crisis in Burma is that is not necessary.

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In the recent past, the regime has sponsored activities claimed to be bringing the country onto a path of peace and development and placating the international community. These efforts have not produced any viable results and have actually worsened the living conditions of people, especially in the ethnic areas.

• First, attempts to engage in political dialogue with the NLD have stalled because of unacceptable demands by the military as well as continued brutal repression of my colleagues who have been arrested, tortured, forced to leave the NLD and some have died.
• Second, the military-sponsored national convention process is an attempt to legitimize and continue an otherwise illegitimate rule.
• Third, the cease-fire agreements with ethnic groups are largely military cease-fires and not political solutions. The ethnic groups were often cut-off from information, food, financial resources and threatened with displacement until agreement was reached. They were promised development assistance in return. Thus far the military has not made good on this promise, but has allowed some NGO to take over the delivery of aid.
• Fourth, the regime’s so-called "open-economy" policy is designed to serve short-term selfish gains and does not, in fact, include the elements required to bring about fundamental and widespread economic changes. It focuses on the often unsustainable exploitation of natural resources under the supervision and to the benefit of the Defense Ministry’s Myanmar Economic Holding and its cronies. This policy shows no commitment to macro-economic policy changes that would truly benefit and empower the people.
• Fifth, the military continues to consume the main portion of the public budget.

The democratic movement, on the other hand, is genuinely committed to ending this crisis. It is the voice of the people and can testify to their suffering to the international community. It strongly supports UN-lead efforts to find a diplomatic and peaceful solution. It has forged alliances with ethnic groups who also support democratic rule. We believe that military interventions are not necessary to hold a richly diverse country together. Such a democratic and multi-ethnic coalition would enable, for the first time in 37 years, a redirection of public funds away from excessive military expenditure and towards sustainable development goals. In fact, recent efforts by the democratic movement to develop sound policy options for Burma have found recognition, even within the current military administration in Rangoon.

Inside Burma, NLD recently established the Committees Representing the People’s Parliament (CRPP) despite hostile obstruction from the military. CRPP’s commitment to democratic reform includes building capacity for sound governance and giving voice to the silenced majority. Considering these circumstances, it is no surprise that the NLD’s rice distribution program in Burma, though small in scale, is subject to military interference, as all such successful initiatives are perceived to be challenges to the regime’s competence.

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Not withstanding these parameters and limitations, the current humanitarian crisis, however, requires immediate attention. NCGUB recognizes that the needs of those who suffer most can not become hostage to the political stalemate. Daw Aung San Suu Kyi has stated: "Aid should be given to the right people in the right way."

As an elected representative of the peoples of Burma, I would like to make a proposal: I call on the international community to work with us and find a mechanism that both helps people now and does no harm to the democratic evolution of the country. A solution that bridges the gap between providing humanitarian relief and fostering a process that leads to sustainable development and sound democratic governance needs to be found. I believe that we, all of us here who care about Burma, are collectively up to the task.

In that spirit, I propose a number of guiding principles that should provide the basis for such a mechanism:

1. Aid should first do no harm; in other words, aid should not be allowed to support brutality and repression. Mary Anderson, a respected development economist and president of the Collaborative for Development Action, points out that "aid too often feeds into, reinforces or prolongs conflicts."
2. The delivery of aid needs to be transparent, accountable and participatory.
3. It needs to include a consultative mechanism that includes representatives designated by the NLD, UN organisations, and the regime.
4. Aid should not substitute the primary responsibility of the regime to deliver social services.
5. Aid should not be used to advance political causes, and it should not be used to discriminate and create division between different ethnic groups in the population.
6. Aid organisations need to demonstrate their commitment to the long-term growth of Burma by linking relief to building capacity for development.
7. We need to work together. We, the elected leaders, rely on the capacity of you, the experts, to find a suitable delivery mechanism for humanitarian assistance.

Bearing these principles in mind, I, on behalf of my fellow elected representatives, the NCGUB, and as the legitimate voice of the people:

• want to ask you to commit to these principles,
• secure your insights and proposals to develop a concrete mechanism to help people without doing harm in workshops like this,
• commit to consult with our technical advisors and partners in the democratic movement to develop a widely supported and practical mechanism;
• will present a concrete and practical mechanism based on the above principles; and lastly
• assure you that we shall do our part to organise and mobilise resources towards implementing these ideas into action.

I am here to working with you to help people while doing no harm. I am looking forward to this and am confident the efforts that follow will be fruitful.

Thank you.